In the last issue John Ross examined the class character of semi-colonial regimes such as Nasser's in Egypt. Here he shows how the regime inevitably remained loyal to its class interests, despile taking some far-reaching anti-imperialist measures.
panied and followed by a tremendous uprising of the Arab people against imperialism, In Egypt major riots took place in 1945 against British occupation.
Suez canal zones started. On 26 January 1962 Cairo was shaken by a semi-insurrection in which British property was burned and fifty Egyptian police killed in attempting to defend it. overthrow of the pro-British regime of King Farouk and its replacement by the Free Officer's movement of which the leading figure was to become Nasser.
On 8 May 1945 a mass uprising against the French started at Setif in BINETE ene French army replied by massacring 10,000 people in five days and broke all illusions in their rule. It was the direct prelude to or great Algerian War dependence which was to start nine years later and end in victory against the French in 1962 WES of this background that emerged the figure of Nasser. ProThe and of the Second World War was accomIn 1951 guerrilla attacks on the British bases in the This directly lad to the pelled by this rising movement Nasser's regime took real and imperialist mcasures. refused to enter the United States organised Soviet Baghdad Pact in 955. wat nationalised the Suez canal the following vear and toucht a direct war with Israel and British and French In 1957 it nationalised almost all foreign vestments in Egypt. 1961 most big Egyptian industrial and financial capital was nationalised. It is these actions which explained the incredible among his life, when in uly 19o0 Only near he accepted the States Rogers Plan to recognise Israel, did Nasser openly come out in lavour of imperialist interests. His successor Sadat completed the process by carrying through the camo David accords and opening up the Egyptian to perialist capital. Workers Yet all the seeds of the developments were prepared by Nasser's own actions and policies. While struggles were engaged in WILT MOCKERSHE the Nasser regime, true to its capitalist nature, sought to repress and control the movement of the Egyptian workers and peasants.
Minns' book is the first in a new popular series entitled (guments SOOTEST published by Pluto. Others far inClude Jenny Beale's Get ting and politics of food by Charlie Clutterbuck and Tim Lans, and n makes Tou Sick by Colin Thunhurst, SUCHE health policy. All sell a E2.50 Minns" hook relates directly to the discussion on bank nationalisation in the Labour Party. This year the NEC propose the nationalisation of or NaHOTE DELTAS tional Investment Bank.
But as Minns explains eleven years ago the Source: Barclays Bank Review 1147849198 1981 One of Nasser's first actions on coming power in 1952 was to execute the well known Egyptian Labour leader Mustapha violently suppressed the strike in the same year the major Kaft Ed Dawwar factory.
In 1959 the regime jailed the leaders of the Egyptian Communist Party. The massive working class and student movements of 1968 were crushed by the army.
correspondin class goals the Egyptiar bourgeoisie, represented by Nasser, was prepared to accept working class mobilisation only provided it was controlled by them.
Systematic repression working class and peasant organisations was "contradictory' aspect of Nasser's policies but absolutely integral to them.
Nasserism was prepared to engage in anti mperialist action but only Labour Party was already discussing the nationalisanon of 'ail the banks, in surance companies and building societies*.
This was shoved under the table Labour took office even though the 1976 conference voted nationalise all the banks.
The book is a good read. I would take issue, however. Minns treatment of pension fund wealth as just "other money".
wealth not just come from kers hard-grubbed savings. It comes mainly capitalist profits which they get in high fringe tax-avoidance income otherwise known as daylight robbery Eighty percent of us don't save any interestbearing wealth at all. The others are living off our work.
Take two families of two adults and two kids. and the other E250 a week In 1980 the Tirst spent on average E2.21 on pensions. The other spent sixteen times as much. Minns implies that only top managers will oppose bank nationalisation and then only because they will lose personal power. if it simultaneously crushed working class organisation. In both these aspects *Nasserism' corresponded totally to its capitalist class character. return for loans, was given the right to supervise the operations Suez Canal Company The limited land reform was reversed to allow eviction of tenants, increases in rent, and the