we attempt an overview of the state of the class struggle in Britain, in order to map out what are the crucial tasks for socialists in the coming period.
There is no doubt that the working class and the political left suffered some important defeats in 1982. In 1983 the left must go on to the offensive to unite the labour movement around socialist policies to defeat the Tories.
But the election will not be the end of the story. So severe is the economic crisis that any government coming out of the election will be unstable, beset by hostile forces on all sides. A Tory victory. will mean a major challenge to the future of the working class movement in this country. In order to reverse the demoralising effects of such a defeat, the labour movement would have to attempt a major re assessment or me past tew years leadership. The struggle inside the Labour Party would undoubtedly intensify.
An inconclusive election — with a hung parliament major opening for the SDP-Liberal Cance It would also present the Labour right with a major temptation to engage in a coalition with the Alliance, a temptation which would have to be bitterly fought by the left.
A Labour victory, on the other hand-while of course being by far the best outcome for the working class WOld mean government dominated by the right wing facing a serious economic situaton, such a government would in al probability turn LOWaTUS austerity measures while only radica socialist measures would really begin to tackle the problem. It would be a Labour government under relentless pressure from ruling class circles not to take radical measures on any front.
All the possible outcomes point to an intensification of the struggle inside the labour movement need for a strongly organised left both inside the Labour Party and the trade But the course of the struggle in 1982 created a series of obstacles to organising a strong left wing; by and large it was more notable for its defeats than its victories.
The willingness of the trade union rank and file to fight the Tories was evidenced in the sharp climb in strike days recorded last year. But in both the Laboun Party and the unions the right wing was on the offensive, outfighting the left. The consequences were horrendous for the battle against the Tories.
Among the important defeats suffered by the working class in 1982 we have to note the following depressing list: the defeat of the ASLEF drivers; the bitter defeat of the health workers despite eight months of struggle; the continued massive waves of redundancy among we secciworkers with virtually no resistance; the defeat of the proposal of the NUM to go into struggle against the NCB some over pay and Joos, une Socialist Challenge 14 January 1983 the health strike there was an enormous groundswell of popular support and solidarity, demonstrated by the huge turnout on the 22 September day of action. The workforce itself was militant and determined.
But at each stage the TUC health committee cynically manoeuvred to prevent all-out ALLIOH have won the demoralised and demobilised support through an endless round of one day regional actions. The will to fight was there, but the leadership was lacking.
But we have to note that even if the crucial question leadership, this in itself does not explain what happened in unions like the NUM. The bitter truth is that the effects of these cumulative, creating a deep scepucism among une mass of workers about the possibility of taking on the bosses and the government in strug gle.
... the right wing attack is causing a recomposition of the Labour left.' There is a huge objective obstacle to be overcome: the fact that more and more economic struggles directly pose the closure. The news that BL last year had a 99.5 per cent strike free record is a graphic illustration of this. Even the most left wing class struggle leadership would be faced with this problem.
The trade union bureaucrats will find it harder and harder to treat the working class like a 'stage army" marching them up the hil and down again. Eventually the GOODLISeS workers to take even limited steps, if the workers see no prospect of success. Hence the increasing refusal of trade unionists to take part in limited one-day protest action and so forth.
While there will continue to be limited exceptions to this general patLOLLI look to overall political solutions, in particular the election of a Labour government, to solve their problems.
The defeats in the economic struggle in 1982 were compounded by the right wing offensive inside the Labour Party. Very quickly the true meaning of Bishop Stortford became evident it amounted for keeping the left leaders quiet while the right wing went onto the attack. The Labour Party conference, with trade the imposition of the register and the right-wing capture of the NEC was the culmination of this attack.
The Bennite leadership symbolised by the quietism of Benn himself -were thrown into disarray by these events. But their overall response has ocen one or burcaucranic calculation rather than struggle. The calculation involved is that if there is a Benn-led fightback against the witch hunt then the left will be blamed for an electoral defeat.
This attitude both creates and feeds off defeatism about the overall political situation, and leaves the left relatively exposed tack. It has also WINCE could instead they was that of defeats become of job loss and bureaucracy own ability to get approach' to a mechanism political retreat with Benn lending his name to the joint TUC-Labour Party policy statement 'minimalist' alternative economic strategy. ng something of a 'recomposition' ol he Labour left, with the creasingly breaking from the soft left This development is symbolised by creation of the 'Campaign' group of MPs the reliable vote for Benn in any election in the PLP. to right wing at- on the right were incapable of overled to a notable turning the major policy gains of the The Tories political capital is their resolute the Falklands factor. But if it fails to come off it will create a major opportunity for the SDP. The labour movement should break from the class collaborationism of the TUC leaders and fight on nuclear disarmament and unemployment.
which has interpretation of the clamour for The right wing attack is thus forcWINE "hards" inthe election manifesto. - a much smaller group than Overall though the witch-hunters the right wing to go left wing. But what the witch-hunt has succeeded in doing is disorganising the left, throwing it onto the defensive, and taking the steam out of the further left wing advances. The fight now is to get those for policy advances, like withdrawal from the NEC, unilateral disarmament and so forth included in On this issue the 'soft left' around can Foot, Kinnock et al will soon find out that in their attempt to balance between left and right they have allowed manoeuvering against the left they have become prisoners of the right.
GRAHAM COOKSON The two key questions that will dominate the election are nuclear disarmament and unemployment. If Labour is to win the election it has to unite its forces around the demand unilateral and policies to ensure full employment -otherwise its key political weapons will be thrown away.
The electoral capital of the Tories essentially be reduced to the *Falklands factor' Briefly summed up, this means the Thatcher government's record for decisive and suc cessful action - on the military front and in reducing inflation. Thatcher is of course doing everything possible to
ment.
of Photo: 1982 could still play a crucial role as power broker in the coming parliaThe Labour Party would, in the event of a hung parliament be faced with the crucial question of whether or not to form a coalition with the Dor to keep ine socialist answer to such a proposition would be no'.
A minority Tory government led by Thatcher could be hounded and defeated both in parliament and by mass working class action. There is no question from a socialist point of view forming coalition bourgeois party like the SP, which could only implement pro-capitalist policies and tie the hands of the left.
The basic principle of working class political independence must be maintained. That's why the present discussion initiated by sectors of the Communist Party about the possibility of a 'broad alliance' which includes the SP is so dangerous. It plays right into the hands of the right wing of the Labour Party, the Healeys and the Hattersleys who would be only too against Militant. But we should not underestimate the determination the Healey-Golding axis. fight until their witch hunt is utterly building Labour Against the Witch deteated Therefore Hunt (LAW) remains a crucial one The As part of this task, to show that left policies can win, the left should put all monaseyres election in the eter mondsey by-election Tatchell.
The against the right wing to end the retreat. A basic problem of the militant forces Party and the trade refusal of the left leaders to organise forces on a class wide basis. often argued on a 'tactical' basis; but it represents a major concession to the right wing.
Thus since the demise of the Rank and File Mobilising Committee. side the LP. the Bennite forces have been dispersed and Benn should call for rank and file organisation inside the Labour Party. The precise form of this cannot be preof They will shock Peter left leaders must organise both inside the Labour unions is the crisis? Why, This is When in- technique for bellyflops. disorganised. WHO CAUSED the slump? Why. as everyone knows, the Arabs. How did they do it? By raising the price of oil, as everyone knows.
And who is behind the banking as everyone knows, the Arabs. How do they do it? Er.. by cutting the price of oil.
capitalism goes into crisis, the first thing to go is its excusing its own Up until December, the (last) governor of the Bank of England confidently told an invited audience that 'the basic cause of our difficulties was the
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