Britain's miners vote on 28 October to give powers to their union Executive Committee to call strike action against pit closures and the insulting 8.2% pay otter trom the National Coal Board. To get the required 55% vote, NUM leaders throughout the country will need to campaign hard Here we print two reports from militant areas, which indicate how the campaign is unfolding. Miners Campaign Under way Des Dutfield.
But the spirit to fight is there. Clydesbridge workers are proposing to over jobs there BSC River Don Cliff Wright. the AUEW convenor has said that the plan to copy French and DELICISCE. taking to the streets recently held meeting of all BSC craft South Yorkshire to re-affirm our position: no redundancies. defence of the rota system, detence of the contractors shop stewards, and if BSC we close all South Yorkshire plants. This voted Wth. unanimously with a man date for strike action.
Policies нкс Inese ger results. haven't been able stop redundancies, but whilst OVeral redundancies South Yorkshire gone from 17,000 to 5,000 the number of craftsmen hoo. ye me from do the apprentice intake and got a job for every one. This is the sort of thing we need nationally.
Vice President South Wales Area NUM We've ATCH meeting and we've started our campaign and against pi closures, We ve got a pian o Port on Monday 18 will Whole area in the final eitht miners organise pit head meetings the coal field.
There is a national Icaflet be ing produced may consider producing our owr own poster We've learned our lesson from before. We have to campaign in the pits to get right vote. but it's no good peaking too carly I'm not sure what the pic ture is in the other areas, but it In 1981 saw that you pit closures bought in the 1980 pay claim
The Crisis of Strategy The strategy of a ons-sided 'war of position' put forward by some Solidarnosc activists, especially in the Warsaw region, has been shown to be inadequate and contrary to the dynamic of the movement. Instead of confining themseives to building the structures of a clandestine society, as dictated by the basic lines of this strategy, the working masses came onto the streets in impressive demonstrations. These actions very quickly led to street confrontations.
The elements of a war of movement had accompanied the forms of a 'war of position' in the form of strikes -after 1 May. But now these elements began to come to the forefront. However, all this happened in a spontaneous way. The street battles were fought without any knowledge of the tactics of this form of struggle.
On the other hand, the workers are ready for actions of strategic scope, battles that would be at least decisive it not final, which could concentrate all the energy of the working class and the other oppressed sections of society rallied around it. battles that could lead to decisive gains, actions that, in other words, would oblige the bureaucracy if not to withdraw from the scene, at least to yield considerable ground.
The call for a general strike -that is, the carrying of a war of movement into the factories and fighting it there -mation of the basically proletarian character of the resistance to the military dictatorship.
From the outset, since the summer of 1980, this has been the character of the Polish revolution, not only because of its working class social content and the leading role that the working class has played in it but also because working class Torms or struggle - economic and political mass strikes - have been the main form of struggle for the mass movement as a whole.
in taking the decision to prepare for a general strike, we lave to realise what a momentous decision this is for the leadership of the mass movement, how great a rasponsibility it involves, and the fact that it has a historic importance. We have to realise the character that any real general strike would have and what conditions are necessary for it to lead to success. In fact, general strikes are governed by certain laws that have to be strictly observed. Socialist Challenge 15.October 1982 page 6 In the first place, it has to be understood that a general strike is a large-scale revolutionary action ov the messes ov the entire mass movement; that it means we are moving into an openly revolutionary situation. wrote, in this regard: '... the general Strike is not possible except under the condition of extreme political tension, and that is why it is always the incontestable expression of the revolutionary character of the situation (2).
From this it follows that the launching of such a strike must reflect the fact that the masses are ready for a revolutionary action, and that all the component parts of the Solidarnose network are prepared to engage in such a struggle.
In the writings of the Solidarnosc leaders, two tendencies can be perceived now, which, if thay persist, could reduce the chances for the victory of a One is represanted, for example, by Zbigniew Bujak, who wrote a letter dated Friday. May 21, to Bogdan Lis, commenting on the attitude of the workers in the big plants in Gdansk who were expressing their support for a Exo ein to them that because of the character of this strike (active self-defencel. it would amount to a revolution (overthrowal of the governBujak was right. The entire working class has to realise that this is a revolutionary action of great scope, and that it means taking the road that leads to over-throwing the bureaucratic But, contrary to what Bujak says, a general strike will not necessarily end in either the defeat of the movement or the overthrow of the bureaucracy.
As we will show further on in this article, it is possible to envisage a partial deteat for the bureaucracy and a correspondingly partial victory for the mass movement.
The general strike and the question Every large-scale revolutionary struggle, and therefore any general strike, has to be armed with an action programme. In building a general strike, such a programme has to be put forward. Its precise formulation and popularisation play a dual role. First, only this programme being taken up by the broad masses, by the whole mass movement. makes it possible to determine when the latter is really ready for a general strike. Secondly, the programme makes it possible to advance the consciousness and combativity of the masses, and this plays a fundamental role in the preparation of the strike itself.
Trotsky The demands of such a programme can be divided into two categories -be met within the limits of the military dictatorship and those that can be met within the tramework Or ine bureaucratic dictatorship in general (military dictatorship being only one of the possible forms of the bureaucratic regime). prisoners is conceivable, although not very likely. within the framework of the military dictatorship. The military government, feeling its grip slipping. might agree to this in order to maintain its rule.
two demands presently being put forward by the movement -rescinding of the state of siege and reestablishment of trade union rights achieved through the overthrow (or forced resignation) of the military dictatorship, However, winning them does not require overthrowing the bureaucratic regime right away but only being able to force it to make concesincluded in Solidarnosc programme for building the general strike. Not only are they not too ambitious but, they are insufficient for such a strike. Nothing can be on a higher plane than the general strike. except the armed insurrection. The entire history of the working class movement proves that every strike, whatever may be the slogans under which it occurs. has an internal tandency to transform itself into an open revolutionary clash. struggle for power (3).
This is sort of a 'law of movement of general strikes. of the general strike, indepen dent of the partial successes of power not provide, lies in the fact that a revolutionary manner. ting down the factories. transport, and in general all the stations, etc., the proletariat by this very act paralyses not only production but also the govern ment. The state power remains suspended in midair. It must either subjugate the proletariat by famine and force and constrain it to set the apparatus of letariat. '(4)
we must not forget certain The bureaucracy can resist ter than the bourgeoisie is not a class integrated into the parasitic layer. As a result, a general strike would have to be danger of famine, therefore, is greater. necessary to envisage going from a passive general strike to an active strike in more and more plants as the strike conItalian factories in 1920. Trotsky stressed that such an action meant in reality establishing workers power ... ai that was draw from it all the necessary conclusions'. (5)
active strike while it was tories occupied and run by the workers are, not be constrained by the force of historical development to federate and to demands that can The release of all the political On the other hand, the other can only be All these demands must be into direct The fundamental importance which it may and then again may it poses tne quoston or power t By shutmeans of communication, power (6)
the bourgeois state once again in motion, or retreat before the pro.
These statements also hold for bursaucratic states, although special features of such regimes. generalised work stoppages betbecause, unlike the capitalists, it strike. (7) process of production but only a long to break its resistance. The If only for this reason, it is tinues. With respect to the active strike affecting most of the north lacking was to organise it, and to In fact, an active strike poses the question of power still more forcefully than e passive occupation strike. Commenting on this spreading. Antonio Gramsci asked: Will not all these proletarian republics, which is what the facship.
THE FORMAL announcement of a law dissolving the Polish workers movement, Solidarnosc, is likely to lead to more conflict on the streets of Poland. At the present time an intense debate is taking place among the activists in Solidarnosc about what strategy to adopt for the union. Some people, most notably the Warsaw leaders around Zbigniew Bujak have been arguing for a long 'war of position' - building up Solidarnosc's underground strength, and avoiding frontal confrontations with the state authorities. Others like Bogan Lis and the Gdansk leaders are arguing for a move towards a general strike. This is also backed by Jacek Kuron.
Here we publish excerpts from a much longer article from the Polish language Inprekor, which has also been published in Veto, the journal of Poznan Committee for Social Self-Defence, arguing the position of Polish supporters of the Fourth International.
organise in a united way to counterpose their own cantra power to the bourgeois power?
What are the conclusions to be drawn from all this? Let us go tions on the general strike: "The leaders of the proletariat must understand this internal logic of the general strike, unless they are not leaders but dilettantes and adventurers. Politically this implies that from now on tha leaders will continue to pose before the proletariat the task of the revolutionary conquest of power. If not they must not venture to speak of the general The question of power in the action programme The first damand that has to be included in the action programme is for the release of all the activists of Solidarnose and other independent organisations whether sentenced after being tried or interned without trial.
'In every war', as Zbigniew Romaszewski has correctly pointed out, even in a war wag ed by a government against its own people, one principle is observed- the question of prisoners has to be discussed before there can be any talk about agreements. otherwise. any accord would be only a capitulation, capitulation all the more grave because it would weaken our most important weapon - our solidarity The second point of the pro gramme has to be the demand for ending the state of war anc therefore the military dictatorFinally, the progamme has to include the demand for the reestablishment of trade union and democratic rights in general that were won between August 1980 and Decambar 1381. In particular, this means fully restoring the freedom of action of the independent self-managed union Solidarnosc, with its present statutes, all its democratic elected leaderships, its organisational structures, and the pro grammatic resolution adopted at its First National Congress of Delegates chosen by the masses.
However, these are only immediate demands. Along with them, soldamoses accon pro gramme must include more advanced demands representing the elements of a transitional programme. In fact, those demands that can be won under bureaucratic rule cannot be severed from the goal proclaimed in the political resolution of the First National Congress of Solidarnose, the building of a self-managed republic.
Such demands cannot be isolated from the strategic aim that the Polish working class adopted after August 1980, when it took up the struggle for ge nuine socialism - that is. a democratic system run tor the workers by the workers. And in this struggle, the Polish pro letariat linked workers democracy and republican democracy with a genuine socialisation of the major means of production. The pre-condition for achieving this goal is overthrowing the rule of the bureaucracy. The demands that. when achieved, will make it possible to open up the road leading to this goal must, therefore, have a place in the ac tion programme We think that partial gains in 1 the realm of political democracy.
such as the achievement of the immediate demands already mentioned, must be com plemented by at least some limited gains that will provide a basis for protecting the society from the dangers that imperil its material existence. These are gains that will make it possible to shield the society from the affects of the economic crisis and will open up the way for waging an effective struggle against this crisis.
A social (working class) programme for combating the crisis for combating the spectre of famine, poverty, massive unemployment, and more generally the final collapse of our national economy - has to be, theretore, an intagral part or Solidarnosc's action programme.
There are two social priorities today - assuring full employment for all workers and guaranteeing te socially necessary minimum living standard for all citizens. The schievement of these objectives must be the goal of social and economic This means that it will often be necessary to maintain production in one or another plant or to start it up even when the costs of such production are higher than the average costs in a given industry. However, the real costs of production in all enterprises have to be clear. The society must know how much it pays' and why, and at the same time the total subsidies cannot exceed the sum of the income gained by the other enterprises.
The establishment of workers control over production and distribution (including over rationing, and in fact such a check was established in the fall of 1981 • by Solidarnose in the Lodz region), workers control over all the enterprises, has to be the axis of a programme for fighting the crisis. Therefore, it should be the main demand in this part of Solidarnosc's action programme.
In 1932, Trotsky wrote: In contemporary Germany, under the conditions of the present crisis, control over industry signifies control not only over the operating but also over the partly operating and shut-down industries. This pre-supposes participation in control by those workers who worked in those industries prior to their dismissal. The task must consist of setting the dead industries into motion, under the leadership of factory committees on ine basis or an economic plan.' (8)
Let us be specific about the sort of plans involved: If it anpears that in a given enterprise stopping production would benefit the society more than continuing, the workers concerned must be given the time to draw up an alternative plan. In this time, the workers, under the leadership of their council and with the involvement of the union, must develop a plan for a new kind of socially useful production, on the basis of the available machines and raw materials, so that the enterprise can resume operations and maintain the present level of It is necessary, therefore, to demand the reestablishment of freely elected workers councils. Such councils should have the status of workers control. At the same time, since any tactical compromise is only a preide to new struggles, they must be means for organising the fight for self-management. They have to prepare the workers to take power in the plants and the working class as a whole to establish a system of self management throughout industry and in commerce and all volves building up a vertical structure, coordination, and cooperation, and thus democratically centralising the self-management bodies.
Workers control is a form The setting up of such workers situation of dual power in inthe economy as a whole, since the system of workers control has a contradictory character, terregnum'. (10)
The bureaucracy will no longer hold total and exclusive tion and, likewise its monopoly into.
It is impossible to foresee what the relationship of forces between the regime and the society will be at the moment a general strike proves victorious.
a strike will overthrow the rule excluded that the new relationa large-scale situation of dual power. It is also possible that economic power a large number of plants ing class and may be instituSelf-Management Chamber or Diet, while at the same time political power remains in the hands of the bureaucracy. It is possible at the first only at the economic level through the growth of workers and social control in this sphere.
should seek in undertaking a general strike, that is in posing should fight for such control determination, the same assurance as it fights for the release of its activists, and for rights.
ing the strike. But there is no reason why more advanced demands could not grow out of the strike itself. They could go to calling for the immediate institution of workers and territorial self-management. Self-defence, agitation in the army and police forces, and the active strike Let us now consider, apart from ding to the laws of the general are for the success of such a regional leaders in Warsaw, Gdansk, and other places have correctly stressed, during a to the strike, the organisation of the workers guards should take a simple form; at least, that is what is indicated by the experience of the workers movement. This means small groups of three, five, or ten persons under the orders of a guard leader for the factory or neighbourhood and of a special cell of the Solidarnose regional or inter-enterprise committees.
Setting up company-size
detachments (250 persons) will not as a general rule be possible before the strike if clandestinity is to be maintained. What is meant by clandestinity here, of course, is simply that the com position and technical aspects of the worker: guards will remain SOCIOLI other economic activity. This intransitional to self-management.
control in the present conditions would mean the burgeoning of a dustry and in the state sactor of strike. presenting a sort of economic inpowar over une means or produc of power in the state will be cut It cannot be excluded that such strike of the bureaucracy. Nor can it be development of active strikes in pass into the hands of the worktionalised in the framework of a Socio-Economic Chamber of the labour.
That is the minimum that we the question of power. Solidarity with the same energy, the same the reestablishing of trade union We stress that this is the programme necessary for undertakbeyond the call for workers and social control over the economy an action programme corresponstrike, what the other conditions First of all, as the Solidarnosc general strike it will be necessary to organise self-defence in all the During the period preparatory At the start, the workers guards will be armed in a makeshift or even primitive way. But even such crude forms of ar mament will be a means for ac quiring real weapons when confrontation occurs with the repressive forces.
During the active defense of the enterprises that took place in some Silesian mines in December 1981, axes, swords, and pikes were made in the forges: the workers armed themselves with picks and clubs. Some of the ZOMO were killed because the workers used fire extinguishers that propelled metal spears to defend the The precondition for forming and arming workers guards is that the mass movement be ready to resort to force if necessary. Mass violence must not be confused with individual terrorism or the actions of small groups operating on the fringes of the mass movement or trying to substitute themselves for it. The international impact of the Polish general At the time of the general strike, consciousness of the international character of the Polish revolution will be more necessary than ever. In fact, such a strike will be a dramatic call to awaken the workers and the societies as a whole that are subject to the same totalitarian rule in the other East European countries and in the USSR, and it will become the model for the workers in the capitalist coun tries in their struggle to liberate Instead of hiding our heads in the sand, we must answer the question of whether the totalitarian bureaucracy of the USSR will decide to rescue the totalitarian bureaucracy in Poland if it finds itself facing a formidable adversary. What can neutralise or at least limit the threat of Soviet intervention?
Can this threat be warded off by a Solidarnose that is powerful but has to take refugee in passive resistance? Or can this be accomplished by a Solidarnosc that would be still more powerful because it would be 24-5 prepared to occupy the factories in a coordinated and organised Anna Walentinowicz (above/ and Jacek Kuron (right) two of the most influential voices of the Polish resistance. Both are now detained without trial by the Polish authorities Socialist Challenge way and to fight in the streets under the leadership of an armed workers guard, and prepared finally to mount a sustained campaign of intense agitation among the Soviet soldiers, who would have nothing to gain from such a war?
The more favourable relationship of forces Solidarity achieves in the general strike, the more supporters it has in the workers movements of other countries -today in the West, tomorrow aiso in une Cast - the more the bureaucratic regimes in the USSR will hesitate before sending their armies against the mass movement in Poland. If Solidarnose had been ready to defend itself actively in December 1981 and to use force, as the bulletin we quoted above says, 'the regime would have had to think twice before making a frontal attack on the union."
Today, it is possible to make the totalitarian regimes in the USSR and East Europe think twice before deciding to invade Poland. This can be done by improving the relationship of forces for Solidarnosc, by a general strike and by assembling all the preconditions to assure the success of such a strike, by appealing to the workers in the West to support the strike in Poland ac tively and the workers in the East to follow its axample. Fac ing the sort of enemy these regimes represent, force is the most effective means of persuasion.
Footnotes 2) Wither France, Leon Trotsky on France, p. 94 3) Wither France, Leon Trotsky on France, pp 93-4 4) Wither France, Leon Trotsky on France, p. 100 5) Leon Trotsky, The Struggle Against Fascism in Germany p 189 6) Antonio Gramsci, Ecrits Politique P 385 7) Wither France, Leon Trotsky on France, p 100 8) Struggle Against Fascism in Germany p. 242 9) Zbigniew Kowalewski, Solidarnose and the struggle for workers self-management, Lodz 1982, pp 10) Struggle Against Fascism in Germany p. 77
Dear comrades, sent much political challenge can hope to suc
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egy for NOSC
ship of forces will be reflected in following the