does bring to light an ele of wide-eyed olanisin in Benn's thoughts.
Benn thinks agreement with the capitalists might be possible. He attributes almost magical powers to talisman the 'popular will ' to get fundamental change. This is Benn's blind spot. He rejects the idea that the ruling class might engineer a La left-wing government. He completeunderestimates the possibility that the British ruling class. alliance with international capital will do everything in their power to de-stablise a Icil abour Government as a prelude to its tall. Assault Benn does not seem to have an economic and political crisis of the pro portion we have today, any future Labour government will come under a assault domestic and foreign capital The only time when this will not happen is if the Labour left and the working class as a wnoic have been utterly defeated. Even a govern ment of the Foot-Healy would be given the This will require the mobilisation union movement. Such measures can only be done if the workers in these in dustries and financial institutions supervise and the bosses Workers control will be une necessary micasuc l stop capitalist sabotage.
Benn refuses to face up to the idea of such Craman confrontation. When asked about this in Socialist nerviews Challenge, Socialist Organiser, and Capital and Class he tries to fob it off "That's what I call the Allende : question' or make jokes about 'my old tin hat and rifle' Benn, as Freeman points out, sees revolutionary change, not as the mass mobilisation of the working class which acts as essential motor force of the transition, but either as a putsch or an 'industrial coup the actions of a minority. Benn's political thinking is therefore essen flawed because underestimates the lengths to which the British ruling class will go to suppress socialist change.
Does that therefore mean revolutionary Marx-