Wales claims that | do not understand the relation between the Wales LCC and Wales claims that i underestimate the political organisation of the Wales LCC at conference.
il is truc lic lcc uoc. not have its own delegates lo conterence or is own representatives on the Wales Regional Executive.
But LCC members at these meetings would presumaDly fight for socialist policies. As.
Wayne points out, J11dividual LCC. members fought tard against person, one vote' and for democracy on the Wales Labour Party Executive.
But against this have to balance the right's victories in support of the witch hunt, for wage conLOIS LaDoul government, and the final much WCaNCI colution Committee, criticises my account of the 2 July). He Labour Party. He also that was passed on the Malvinas.
The main question we ao we build support for left wing policies against the right?
hrough cautious negotiations by politically against the power the left? Although the LCC organised a fringe meeting and produced a bulletin, it supportees o en cent supporters ference on key issues. Two contrasting examples show Inis cically.
The resolution committing the Wales Labour Party supportilg Dead end unilateralism the manifesto was passed due to the strength of feeling on this issue in Wales and not through any organised intervention. However, teeling against t orv cuts 1s also strong in Wales. But the Executive successfully railroaded through their opposition to the call for a special Wales anti-cuts conterence.
Finally, on the question of the Executive. Leading LCC comrades in Wales have been removed IWO . years running. Without their presence the right can promote their activities on the witch-hunt, and continue to stifle the development oi a mass campaigning party.
The Wales LCC learn lessons from the left's seroacks. rollowing example Scottish LUC, we must retuse to have anything to do with the NEC's proposed register. We must build mass support for socialist policies, defeat the Because unions' key. role, bolder steps should be taken to organise left support there. The Wales LCC trade union conference, planned for the autumn, will be crucial to this tast Helen Slyomovics Cardiff North CLP GEOFF BELL and Davy Jones (SC, 2 July, on the World Cup) seem to have torgotten a basic rule to socialists - • don't believe everything you read in the Sun or see on TV.
My experience at work is different the hysterical picture they paint. The Sun may be trying for an orgy of national fervour, but so tar iney havn't stopped ordinary •cope recorrisis alla cul good football whether played by Brazil, whoever.
There is widespread belief that teams like Honduras and Cameroon have been shabbily treated. Most people would rather see a team like Honduras go to the next round than one of Bays boring negative foot.
Yes, people would like to think tha England will win the world cup, but being hopeful they expected Brazil to win.
Andy Miller Mansfield IN THE first articie of this series on theory.
This week he discusses how theory is used and developed. Trotsky IN THE last issue we concluded that and theories reflect the forces which exist in the real material Theory therefore let us study and understand the real world.
But how do we know if a particular theory is right or wrong? To answer this we should go back to our starting point. Marxist theory aims to change the world. A Marxist theory, like any other, is therejore correct or wrong insofar as it analyses and predicts or fails to do so - how the material social world really develops.
The Marxist economist Ernest Mandel explains this very well in his introduction to Marx's chief economic work, Capital.
'What Marx's Capital
British fans explained ... was above all the ruthless and irresistible impulse to growth which characterises production for private profit and the predominant use of profit for capital accumulation 'In fact, it would be very • easy 'prove' Marx's analysis to have been wrong if experience that the more capitalist industry develops smaller and smaller the average factory becomes the less it depends on new technology, the more capital is supplied by the workers themselves, the more workers become owners of their factories, the less the part of wages taken for consumer goods becomes (and the greater becomes the part of wages used for buying the workers' own means of production).
'If, in addition, there had been decades without economic fluctuations and a full scale disappearance of trade unions and employers' associations (all flowing the disappearance of tradictions between Capital and Labour, inasmuch workers increasingly become the controllers of their own means and conditions of producLon en one cou deed say that Capital was so much rubbish and had dismally failed to predict what would happen in the
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Letter Viales LaCour Party conference (s
burg and Marx himself, devoted so much of their time to the study of
Trotskyism, JOHN ROSS asked why the great revolutionaries of the past, such as Trotsky, Lenin, Rosa Luxem-