THE PUBLICATION of Norman Tebbit's anti union legislation concentrates the mind wonderfully. The main proposais, which the labour movement has known for months, remain unchanged. In comes: • State funding for union ballots. This will give the press a field day and the right wing to use the media of their own ends recent miners ballot. • Compensation for job loss to those who refuse to join a union in a closed shop. This will, in the words of David Basnett, general secretary of the general workers union, disrupt collective bargaining. • The right to selectively sack strikers who refuse to return to work. This gives a green light to all scabs.
Out goes: • Union immunity to civil actions for damages for 'unlawful industrial action'. Unions will be liable for up to E250,000 damages. • Legal protection for so called 'political strikes* as well for inter-union strikes.
The major import of the Bill is to leave to reactonary judges to declare whether or not a strike is "illegal'. Solidarity actions would be totally ruled out as would such actions as the recent blacking of the Sun by traindrivers. Moreover many trade union leaders will be able to hide behind threats of legal action being taken to block industrial action.
The last time that these sort of restrictions were imposed was on the backs of the defeat of the 1926 general strike. But the working class is not in this position today. Given the right leadership it can easily have the strength and organisation to prevent mis legislation occonnais nam Len Murray, general sectretary of the TUC was moved to declare: union Bill. It is an anti-industry Bill, and it will join its predecessor, the Industrial Relations Act on the scrap heap. meeting decided to shelve even modest proposais for action until the special conference of union executives scheduled for 5 April. By that time, the proposals will be well on their way to becoming law Terry Duffy, right wing engineers leader, took Murray's jabberings about the Bill being 'anti industry one ludicrous stage further. In his view the unions should make common employers as they have bigger influence' than the unions. He left unexplained how such joint action was possible when the employers supported the Bill, "It is realistic and soundly constucted' said Walter Goldsmith, stitute of Directors.
Len Murray may try to claim credit for putting the Industrial Relations Act on the scrap heap. But without rank and file action and a mass movement being built, it would still be in operation.
Before the IR Act became law, strikes were called. One attracted 250,000 workers and the second over 3m. The first time the law was used seriously to imprison five dockers a general strike from below developed forcing the release of the now famous "'Pentonville Five"
Bill Keys, general secretary of the Society of Graphical and Allied Trades, has put forward a platform of measures which would be a good basis for discussion and action. He has called among other things for the use of trade union strengin and for the TÚC to call for co-ordinating action to defend unions under attack.
fund and for the TUC to withdraw from government bodies concerned with plementation of economic policy or dealing with the proposed Icgislation.
ranks. A call should go out for the formation in every area for action committtes to mobilise against the Bill.
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Socialist Challenge 4 February 1982 - as Gormley did in the bribe non-unionists to This is not just an antiBut the last General Council cause with the director-general of the ntwo one day He wants a fom ail the imBut the key is the mobilisation of the union PO Box 50 THE new left campaign in the Labour Party Labour Liaison '82, was launched Saturday 2:
th.
This underpinned how the left views its strategy in the party and the trade unions during the Tories, running up to Labour Party conference and to the next general election.
TONI GORTON spoke organisers, BOB WRIGHT, assistant general tasks of the left.
Can you explain what the discussions istortford Bishop's mean for the left? How will Labour Liaison '82 be organised, especially in the trade unions and localities?
creating a membership organisation or sectanau tion. What was agreed at the meeting is that LL82 would be a co-ordinating body to launch priorities and a campaign strategy in regard 10: the problems facing the working class in this country.
The Labour left groups who were initially represented gave general, if guarded in some cases, support tor the principic.
But there will be no formal organisation.
So the campaign itself is a liaison, it is intended to identify the left and CHELICHEE those on the right of the Labour Party leadership and the general moves that SCCL made to make the party more accountable.
If the right wing think they witch-hunts within the party overall movement. whether it be Millcandidates for parliamentary seats, government situations that develop and that local parties are going to be over-ruled and stampec upon -- then were oppos ed to that. We'll fight it But our major task is to ensure that all parts of the party accept the authority of conference on policies decided and seek their implementation, to unify the movement to defeat the Tories and ment hat will represen.
will represent and reffect the real desires aspirations the working class of this country. But look. on the left say that if you get accountability selection don't need mass activity such demonstrations around unemploymnent or abortion rights else needed besides policy agreements?
Demonstrations, activity meetings, campaigns and so on are all important in that you are involving workers, but in themselves they are not the answer.
Wild. vou do as a result of the huge upsurge. I think we'll be judged on how far we can develop a as an alternative SPALTES to what's happening.
There is a lot of move ment trade unionists in the private sector in the industria world who are saying quite bluntly, individual panies, national or multinational, shall not have the same right of determination cut backs closures and diversionary strategies in terms of products, lifting companies out of Britain and putting them in South Africa and so on to boost their pro fits!
All these things have got to form the basis for Labour planning agree ment/strategy, Privatordu tres made to more accountable.
We've got to be more aware of the destruction of our industry and be prepared to take them into Bob Wright is the Assistant General Secretary of the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers. He is on the stearing committee for Labour Liaison 82 and was also Broad Left candidate for Genera/ Secretary of AUEW public ownership if Will you be 'campaignbill? against Tebbit's We have to do what the AUEW did in 1972 and say that we will not observe your courts, we'll not attend them, we'll not be subjected to the judiciary I hope it will be a much more united fight then we had then The labour commitment is already there. have remove such legislation from the statute book.
The battle in the Labour Party has been fought under the slogan of more Wilson/Callaghan governments' But this presupposes but (neV type leadership both in the party and in the unions where the use block vote has decisive affect on policy and constitutional ques tions.
The struggles that have been going on about who should be the leader have been think it's remarkable that Tony Benn should have come so close to winning the deputy leadership contest.
Whether stands again, in my view will be largely determined to the extent that the right win launch an assault when i comes to conference.
Benn will consult the movement about whether to stand again.
But we are not going to create ihe possibility of greater division unnecessarily.
If the can emerge as the rea alternative to the Toric then there can he substantial changes judgments of members about who they elect.
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January. Central to its discussion was whether or not a truce between right and left had been agreed at Bishop's Stortford earlier in the mon-
secretary of the engineering union, the AUEW, about his opinions of the conference and the
coming year in the fight against the resclection, on election of