THE movement against nuclear weapons owes a very large debt to EP Thompson. It was an indication of how dangerous the ruling class in this country see him that an invitation to him to give year's in particular Protest and Survive, which launched the movement against Cruise ana iraent in tnis country, and the BBC, the sponsors of the Dimbleby Rive tim had no wish to the chance to make similar impact through full colour television screens.
That's why Beyond the Cold War was published last week with the sub-title Not the Dimbleby Lecture, being an extended transcript of the message Thompson would given to TV viewers lau the censors of the BBC not LCOOCu 14 it, Thompson confirms his reputation as the most effective radical pamphleteer that it has been a pleasure to read for a long, long time. As with Protest and Survive, Beyond the Cold War can shake up the most complacent and drive them onto the streets.
Thompson's success is due to his style and writing technique more inan Il due to the details of his arguincul. DCSDILC the horrific nature of his subwhat he described ICTI as the 'probable' 'autodestruct' of the world he never gets too emotional, he seems above all, Dimbleby lecture was rational. His argument is Dullaul constructed that it almost becomes incontestable. Despite the sub-title, Thompson does not 'lecture', he talks and persuades.
So, should we all praise EP and walk with him or behind him without ever a foreward or sideward glance? quite. Because the grand sweep of Thompson's argument does, at times, tend to simplify and to mystify, and it can lead to places whose vagueness can be dangerous.
For inspiration for who can defeat the drive to nuclear Thompson looks back to popular movements in the second and in wal. val" ticular to the anti-fascist movement in Yugoslavia. There, Thompson describes as 'the alliance of noelals, agrarians, social-democrats, Conservatives secured a notable victory, and it is such togetherness to which Thompson looks as a way of stopping the bomb today. He called it, and conscience. lived informing human multitudes, of the Military For Thompson such rationalism no more than a return to common Hie argues thus because he sees the Cold War, the godfather of the bomb, as a mere 'habit, an 'supported by very powertu material terests'. Such interests he defines 'the militaryand research establishment of both sides' or 'the military and security establishments' Is it really that simple? True, Thompson, the Cold War does not off the origins the Cold fer a simple equation of the Soviet Union and the United States as equally responsible, he tends to more sympathetic to the Soviets. It is also the case that he there are 'historical reasons COlO War Still tends to see it as almost an Cvel deeper level, there is a further ex blallaliul • which I will describe by the ugly word "psychoideological" ?
With such an analysis it becomes logical to see the nuclear arsenal being apolitical alliance, by people waving which ultimately Dallicis will say nothing more than 'we want to live' and this is where the dangerous over-simplification curs, is a consideration of the question class. Thompson see the baddies — Ine millar y and secunty establishments' as Gossies. those who will destroy them, just as in Yugoslavia, as classless too.
But in Yugoslavia the alliance was not classless. All manner of people may have been represented in the resistance but it was firmly led and it was under the direction munists. And those whom they were fighting were casses fascism is and always will cabilalsil al its mus ruthless. The resistance in Yugoslavia was class war. Class And that is also how the contemporary horrors will be stopped. For it is the Cold War is illogical or for its own survival, surviva. of military establishment, but the SUl VIVal of the whole capitalist system.
Empire This is so because the only way capitalism can survive on an internationa scale to terrorise, especially those in Africa, Asia and Latin America revolts threaten the destruction of the US Empire.
Nuclear weapons are TO] SUCT least by threatening the Soviet Union that ant material assistance they might give liberation could end with the destruction of Moscow as well.
Thompson fudges over such issues, and that is the crucial weakness of what is otherwise a brilliant pamhe is wrong to campaign nucledi from Poland to Portugal. it does not mean tnat lt 1s wrong to see defence of Solidarnosc as part of the campaign of the internationa He is correct to insist on both.
But he also overlook: that the best way Solidar nosc can the only way, END can through working people coming to the aid of working people, against those who ly, oppress them. 'Beyond the Cold War' is published by Merlin Press in co-operation with END price 60p. Available (plus 10p p&p)& from: The Other Bookshop, 328 Upper St, London N1.
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withdrawn. He is very powerful with words. t was his writing,
BEYOND THER COLD WAR