IF SOMEONE had predicted three years ago that the 1981 Labour Party conference would commit the Party to campaign for a united Ireland, and would see the majority of constituency withdrawal assumption would have been that such a prophet had been hit too near the temple by an RUC plastic bullet.
Yet, last week's conference did see the Labour Party committed to Irish unity. and. on a snow of hands, between 75 and 85 per cent of CLP delegates did vote for pro-withdrawal resolution.
So Joan Maynard MP was quite correct when she said at a conference fringe meeling organisea Dy lne Labour Committee on Ireland: 'We have made a little progress this week'. Rumours At the same time the conference rejected two pro-withdrawal resolutions, and it appeared that SLOTICSL Willawd which included support for the demands of the hunger strikers, did not have majority support even among CLPs.
What was passed was an NEC statement which endorsed unification of Ireland as a general principle but which insisted that this would only be acceptable the Unionists agreed.
block vote which secured the defeat for resolutions number of unions abstainbut despite that the AUEW was going to back the milder withdrawal resolution, no major union appears to have done so. Strains Remarkably, this places the trade unions to the right of the Parliamentary Labour Party. During the week both Joan Maynard and Pat Duffy MP, told fringe meetings that majority Labour MPs favoured the milder withdrawal resolution.
But neither this, nor Labour Parties supporting a call for then the the endorsement of the Irish unity call means the Tory/Labour bipartisanship on should remembered that November 1972 Harold Wilson, the Labour Party, called for Britain to withdraw from the North in 15 years.
The call, which was endorsed by the PLP, was to the left of the policy agreed by last week's conference, but did break bipartisanship because the Tories' day to day practical implementation of its Irish policy was not opposed.
Nor will it be this time There will be strains on the Tory/Labour unscious For one thing Labour is now committed to opposition. For another, the PLP will be expected by Labour's rank and file to articulate the party's aspiration for unity Unity But the general British policy framework the maintenance the border, and British policIng or unal bordel remain unchallenged by Ine Labour rarly.
Unification may be Labour's ultimate aim but even Ted Heath, in 1972, said that if a majority in the North favoured unity then Britain 'would stand in the way'.
It is significant that lan Paisley felt able to comment on Labour's confercile decision that it 'would make much difference'.
This is not tg imply that no gains were made at built one pained docu built on NEC docuaucs commit the Labour Party to 'campaign' for Irish unification and CLPs can demand that such a campaign is immediately begun.
conference remitted to the NEC a call for a special one-day conference on Ireland. Again, CLPs can put pressure on the NEC to try and ensure mar lnis remiltal does nol lie in the waste-paper basket at the Party's headquarters.
The biggest gain was the large majority among CLPs for a policy of active withdrawal. The credit for unal through can be given to the Committee Ireland who, in just two short years, have made Irelana one or ine major issues of debate in the Labour ray Joan Maynard have made a little progress.
But to secure the LCI's aim British withdrawal from the North of Ireland the obstacle of the opthe DOS LON unions remains. The for this ilreason was lustrated at a lecture that NUPE general sericial y Alan Fisher was reported to have given to his delegation at the conference.
Fisher, who is personally sympathetic to withdrawal, told his delegation that it would be wrong to support the withdrawal resolutions. because of NUPE's substantial membership in the North ot ireland. He said it the union were seen to back withdrawal It could split this North of membership and lead to desertions illass Loyalists.
The argument wishing divide North of trade Peter Hain, who withdrawal. unionists was also used by Alex Kitson, on behalf of the NEC when he argued against withdrawal at the conference. The same supporters of the Military point was also made newspaper opposed both withdrawal motions.
The Kitson/Militant alliance was effectively answered at the LCI fringe meeting by Joan Maynard and Kevin Ivic vallara MP.
Joan Maynard referred to the Kitson/Militant call for a new North of Ireland Labour Party and recalled old Northern Ireland Labour Party had eventually become so propartitionist that supported internment.
'YOu could set up a hundred Labour Parties and you would still get the same result', said Maynard. 'The minute you would start, people would ask what's your position on the border, and that would inevitably mean you were in one camp or the other.' McNamara took up the same theme. Because the Kitson/Militant alllance Was proposing Labour Party based on half of partitionica thereby strengthened argued McNamara. 'The proposition would become Unionism' he said. have to solve the national question you get any degree of socialism arguments are they do se Correct these solve the problem of winnof this storate e wineman problem which compounded by the fact that the membership subscripLIONS une receive from the North of Ireland mean they have a material interest in not offending the Unionist majority. supported calls for latched al li Thatcher Macabu But there are steps that can taken. Greater publicity for the views of Irish trade unions, a majority of which do favour British withdrawal, would help shift the present pro-Unionist views in the British unions.
The LCI has already, along with the Committee discussing a failure of existing policies: a total bankruptcy of all political initiatives by successave governments, whether Tory or Labour, over the past ten years. 'Anyone who runs away from that is indulging in political escapism, is ourying inew neaas in ine sand in the way that Britain has collectively buried its head in the sands on the Irish question for far too long. Britain is part of the problem, not part of the solution.
I would appeal to the comrades in the trade union movement. Ireland is a taboo subject in the unIon moverteril Understandably, because you have trade members in Northern Ireland. But that does not enable you to shirk your responsibilities 'And I hope you and Come ence will sav that the unification as proposed in this inadequate and contradictory NEC document is not enough.
If you simply declare in favour of without developing a strategy of how you are going get there sarules! which involves drawal then it's like sav ing you are in favour of socialism out vou have no strategy as to get it — it's pie in the sky.
Listers Declaration ted in porconsciences that tillin Corthern Ireland outs be deattrous to the nel di bring d Uleler suberrene evur m and religious freedom destructive our citeship s gurn cant handy relying on the Gee whom our borindayr dates and trust confoity trusted de his our time of threatened calamity to stand by one anülber in injendma for ourses and mildren our cherished position 4 citizenship in the our lan Paisley - Labour's plan still gives him the right of Withdrawal Ireland, agreed to organise a labour movement conference which the first step can be taken for on the Irish issue in the unions.
No-one should be any illusions about the difficulties of winning I ask the trade unions to remember that ine • Irish Transport and Genera Workers Union favour ar intention by Britain disengage and courage Irish unity, and also the other Irish greatest Irish tragedy is the silence of the Britis?: labour movement.' Mick Martin, Fulham CLP.
The horrendous ana heroic deaths of Bobb! Sands oiner brought the issue Ireland to the forefront o Yet, in Britain we are sull sucking ou heads in the sand.' ктогу, Bren:
East CLP.
'The one basic flaw in th NEC document is that: leaves the power of veto ir the hands of the Unionists How many more genera tions must be sacrificec because of this veto to live in terror and misery Anne Lavery, St Pan cras North.
'This is the unfinishes business of the 19th ans 20th centuries. The horde never worked, never cous work and never will wor. Successive governmer had tried to make it wor The only way forward wa a united Ireland.
Clive Soley, MP. veto a signiticant number trade unions to the of British withdrawal. Bi that does not mean the e: fort should not be made.
As Joan Maynard sai= week, Brighter 'We've won the PLP we ve won lie constituen cies, now we have to u:
Socialist Challenge 8 October 1981
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