IMGpapers 1980–83

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1980–83

Cadre

· Socialist Challenge No. 204, 2 July 1981 · pp. 12-14 of the scan · 982 words

The scan: sc-no204.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 5-5 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 12 of the scan

Already some 50 per cent of local party cadre have been replaced and in the regional party gresses s as many , 90 рег old party leaders have been turfec out of office. In Suwalki province in north east entire party leadership was removed in Equally serious is the loss of some 100,000 working members from the party since last August The source of the crisis LC ZL dependent union HiUYC ment, Solidarity.

important development is the growth coDula universities linked to Solidarity. They offer courses and discussions round inree inemes problems workers' rights Littt buildra and artistici dabiate building Solidarity; outside the normally heavily-censored nels; and discussion on general political, historical and scientific questions outside of the Stalinist framework.

Wroclav anc there are regulariy between 100-300 people, WIKCIS. their tWICt weekly sessions.

Solidarity itself is ap proaching its first national congress the end of August. Regional conferences have been held in vi coalaliul Solidaritv's draft gramme and statutes has been discussed. Next week Socialist Challenge will look at inls draft programme as well as giving further coverage to the upcoming party congress.

page 13 of the scan

(90 нен н0 7as ¡en U! SUAS шаро s, uaS Jo sInoy MaJ IaU d в d . ue u! pur AEM UO.U pue Пала 01. 'sn AGIOTAN AZINGA DAR ТРІ О АРІРОТСРО 1a4 pue 0 vd e 0 James pue sere Шэчt dane -deste Jo моч CINOOIATAIT иЭлЭ ATuo Sur wall 1SOW • 0[107 ЭлІТ ue -179 nOA JON эy7 op sald de dnny de OUTR •MEI pue SANTIAN Mel -apu! -03 1 se 7, uop pose MONS Ino/ 01 nos nos 7, uop ношахов не моц моц имо pue rnAA pue •• onema lo ssaoas bue unI ANDIT 1 ШОЛІ aul Suisod ДИВ ЛО "ША ОN] a4] MORO 9700 011121/17 111722 syn pue 1Ua10]T preposs pue JO pinoys aq очм pue fiem pue linu asam suueq pue PIas Ramos MEL pinos SEM -Ioddo' TAITIO AA puey ¡adas se sone ari рабем IDO OCIET pue A OUS 01 конам ASIT ATATAIITO 19410 mo paseq operacoe ривн нашом 02701028 posportape izno Mou anss! Ling

page 14 of the scan

EIGHTEEN months cent of the votes.

According authority in the country'.

Today, Bani Sadr is on the run, and is denounced as the son of a dog' by demonstrators in Iran.

The fall LIle president has been comparea by his opponents to the overthrow of the hated Shah.

false comparison, but the ousting of Bani Sadr does show is that the series of complex events and manoeuvrings which beSaah have still some tay with the to go before the outcome of the Iranian revolution is clear.

Bani Sadr represented a cast some or lie contradictions which have been present in the Iranian situation in ine last two years.

His father was prominent ayatollah and an antimonarchist. As a teenager, was active in mobilising support for the National Front government which was overago Abol Hassan Bani Sadr was elected President of Iran with 85 per to the constitution of Iran he thus became 'next to the leader, the highest thrown by CIAengineered coup in 1953. Arter une coup, Bani Sadr joined the ground movement he allied himself with the socialistic Islam associated with Ayatollah Sensens He took part in the NO HORSINE Pahlavi dynasty, was jailed after the failure of the revolt, and was later exiled to Paris.

There he studied at the Sorbonne and worked on a uncsis walca allaca al conbining the ideas of traditonal Islam and Marxist The thesis was never completed. Perhaps Bani Sadr found the combinacoct, but when he was elected president anales saw these two strains in his philosophy competing for dominance. fiance minister, immediately after the revolution, ne nabonalisea the banks and insurance companies, but as the one-time secretary meini he achieved his posiNot influence because of the support of mullahs the Islamic It was because Khomeini withdrew support for Bani Sadr that he power Even Delore le had been elected presi dent he had incurred the wrath of of Hostages He had spoken out in favour of a compromise on the US hostages issue, and had tended to advocate ConcessIons Iran's national minorities.

At the sallic because of the fragile of his among the mullahs, he had tried to secure his position by attaching himself to the officer corps in the Iranian Army.

Bani Sadr attempted to balance LIC various tendencies inrown up by the Iranian revolution - di bit ICIC Islamic fundamentalism inere. concessions to the army elite in the middle and rounded off with It did not work and it never could have. The funthe damental. question posed during the outbreak of the revolution was which class would rule.

The alliance of conflicting elements Bani Sadr tried to construct was an attempt to suggest that this question was not relevant. the Because he personally was associated with the more socialistic aspects of the revolution he has tained support among the more left wing parties Iran The only notable ception is the Communist Party who, following the line of Moscow is searching for 'stability' in Iran, whatever the class nature of that stability..

Thus, the Soviet Union recently welcomed reactionary Ayatollah Khalkhali to Moscow, the man associated stoning to death 'prostitutes.

Similarly, the Communist Tudeh Party Iran have not sprung to the defence of Bani Sadr.

Despite this, the bulk of reports from Iran sug exthe the of gest that if new presidential elections were held and in Bani Sadr was permitted to stand he would win easily.

This indicates that the Iranian masses have not Bani Sadr - have the sands of time run out?

been cowed into Islamic reaction, despite ine repression against op ponents of the mullahs Bani Sadr's socialism was always limited. Accordingly, its implementation was dependent on the endorsement of the mullahs, rather than the self-organisation the masses.

That is why he is now in hiding.

← As party congress draws near Polish party leaders try to hold the lineFrance's new government Communist ministers are →

Something wrong on this page?