in the campaign against Bevan and his advocacy the isod in the But as mood the party began to change, so did Healey, and by 1957 he making left noises again.
He wrote in another Fabian that NATO 'become symbol of vanished stage in the Cold War, increasingly remote from the facts of international life and from the aspirations the people it represents' He concluded: 'Disarmament and disengagement should be seen, not as an alternative to NATO... but as. an alternative policy for In 1974, as minister for defence, Healey had the opportunity to put such policies into practice, but they were quietly forgotten.
Before the or tar year Labour Nad promised to withdraw army forces from East of Suez, and Healey went along with that in office, although defence spending génerally remained high.
Now in the cabinet, Healey once more tried to prove himself a good loyalist.
He told Cecil King. the newspaper magthat learnt from Wilson was that 'having no convicwons is a greatnel.. e can make a purely prag. matic approach to any problem Indeed pragmatism was a watchword for Hoaley in the succeeding years as he climbed the Labour hierarchy.
He could tell the 1974 Labour Party conference that he was going to 'squeeze the rich un. til their pips squeak, and then he went on as Chancellor the Exchequer to reduce the standard of living of the working class and raise that of the upper class for the first time for decades.
'He got angry if anypointed out that these actions were inconsistent with a Labour When 38 Labour lett wingers abstained on a vote on public spending cuts in 1976. Healey stood in front of them in thouse of Commons and chamber repeatedly screamed at them 'You fuckers, you fuckers'.
Such then the ways of Denis Healey. 'As slithery as they come an anonymous former cabinet colleague is quoted as saying of him in the Sunday Times in July last year.
Healey's aim in life has been to USe the Labour Party to slither to the top of the politi cal establishment. For trade unionists to vote be deputy leader of the to vote for tional Monetary Fund, and NATO But more than that it for the old Is to VOtE school of Labour politics which the internal helve began to challenge reforms the - a school in which the first lesson Is to SuCceed, and the second is to have no principlest. and more attacks on the workers.
This change creates for fighting for the revoluproTODAY gramme to ruling class. exthe working needed, groups Ine HEOS conscious clearthis militant only the mass nerve of the the factories, the pits and shops. It is always these core sectors. which determine the outcome of the struggle.
The organisatiolis the Fourth International like Tine Marxist Group in Britain have alwavs stood on the programme mand in that sense workers' have always been workers' parties, even when the maof their have . been students and white-collar workers.
The character of an organisation is fundamentally determined by its pro* gramme. But if a revolutionary organisation over a long period of time fails to root itself in the working class, then its social composition into contradiction with its programme.
One or the other has to give way.
The Bolshevik party, from which we draw our inspiration, was in 1917 a WORLD CAPITALISM is in crisis — nowhere more so than in Britain, where the crisis has led to a completely new political situation. To solve its problems, the ruling class, in addition to its war drive, is forced to launch more A new political attitude is being created inside the decisive sections of the British working class. panaries, It was because ot worker-revolu Bolsheviks' influence centred in the working class that they Were able lead the revolution.
It has not always been the . case. The Bolsheviks. -as is often the case with revolutionary organisations, accumulated their first forces outside of th working class.
But they seized on opportunities provided by the radicalisation of the workclass to implant themselves in the core sectors of the class.
Both the Bolsheviks in the early 1900s. and the Trotskyists the 1930s found it necessary to root their organisations in the ranks of the industrial working class. Today the beginnings of a radicalisa workers in britain, trial workers Britain, particularly deepens ins the CriSIS the Labour make it possible for us to do likewise Between 1902 and 1905 Lenin's party was made up mostly of students and in. tellectuals. But in 1905 the revolution dramatically radicalised the workers they were 'spontaneously democratic (i.e. revolutionary), as Lenin put it.
This created the opportunity of rapidly drawing workers into the party which required a sharp change. For example the Bolshevik congress in 1905 not a single delegate was a worker.
Accordingly Lenin demanded that the proportion of workers in the
PEOPLE in Grenada remember the terror imposed by Gairy's "Mongoose Gang and the regime's corruption Gairy obsession with unidentified flying ob. jøcts. The achievements of the People's Revolutionary Government's first years is impressive. underdevelopment. world's main nutmeg supplier its own nutmegs. Under direc British rule, construction of industry on the island was banned until the late fitties.
the revolution, Grenada had an unemployment rate of 50 per cent; one-third of its arable land was not farmed and the country imported apwell