COm while ph Four months later, in November the 1980, Sir Keith finally published the British Telecoms Bill. postponed The union's the cons desig worst aspects.
musicau posed by allull.
Panic lobby,' way whatsoever.
nothing.
The pressed for a one-day teeth.
could The union's Hence LtB 1341. us that the date for action had been Line around April 1981' when the Bill came up for its third reading in Parliament.
Whole of January and February was then wasted as the national machinery was swung behind the strenuous but futile attempts of the Labour MPs parliamentary committee une bill to delele of relying the strength of the members, and waging a vigorous campaign to get them more involved explaining the threat the Bill, the leadership tried to fight the Tories on their own terms in their own patch. Of course, Finally on 6 March in Letter to Branches (LtB) 1341, members were informed of the lobby of Parliament on 1 April, which sounded more like the Last Post than the bugle call to 'This is not intended to be a mass the letter announced. 'Union funds cannot be used to compensate for loss of time... Apgroup of representatives.' No call for mass action. No appea for membership involvement in any No call for token industrial action. In short, a big fat truth was that Tne national executive council meeting. supporters of the Broad Left had for implementation of POEU conference policy by calling strike on April, to give the parliamentary lobby some This proposition was defeated by the narrow margin of 11 votes to 10. In their fear and panic, the rightwing majority on the executive went all out to prevent Many action that dent the Tories' resolve and Steve Bell, Cardiff UCW 'SIR Keith Joseph rules the Post Office. That's the intention the Tories' Telecoms Bill.
The blackmailing Dowers which Ene Bill hands to Sir Keith Josept aim to provide fire-powe management. And will need it, since the breathing space it gained smashing the 1971 postal workers' strike has run out.
Many members of the Union of Communication Workers have bitter memories of '71.
They ran up against a union-bashing Tory before it was taught We were singled lesson by the Illis. out as a bloody example to other workers and the Post Office was a willing accomplice.
Mail Similar problems existed then as now - a need mechanisation, and redundancy; to keep worked high.
There over the role of the union's executive council and general secretary Tom who misled the until the moment the strike sorted and delivered. Plenty of notice was given to businesses services, which pushed out • mail and bills early was made to the telephone engineers for solidarity acIne operators in the telephone were brought out through mass UCW general secretary Tom Jackson ing old work practices meant low wages and long But within eight yval the po found that its '71 victory was not enough the postal side sull struggi ed to break even. snake-out was callea Ior Subtlety is never an attribute of a management with a victory belt. In reply the union's 1979 claim for an 8 per cent pay rise plus an inflation escalator payment, full consolidation, 40-hour week, the PO offered 8 per cent, part consolidation, and the troduction of regular casual labour.
All hell broke loose, and by a large majority branches voted it down.
Recommending ассерtance, the executive was lett out on a limb Duties After years of giving postal workers wanted a few improvements. Many had joined the Post Office after the '7! strike, bringing with them the stan. dards and confidence of other industrial unions.
The union has agreed on paper to help the serthrough its cutbacks.
None of this has reduced posta. workers mounting anger or sapped our contidence.
The Post Office has only got as far has through the assistance of the UW executive, and this has given rise to organised opposition within the LIC Broad Left, which has emerged the rank.
CLO the leadership's policies.
I here were revolts over pay 1979 and 1980; democranc reforms were adopted at the rules revision conference; executive's attempt to restructure the union in line with the Telecoms Bill was referred back.
The Broad Left's programme rejects the executive's policies. It calls for no productivity, wage restraini, or joo loss, ana decent living justed inflation; 35-hour week; a Post Of fice under workers' control, and one union for all collulcallon workers Democratic overhaul of the union is also among the Broad Left's alms. This mc wee. bringing in the form below Name.......
Address.
Age Union/CLP (if any).
London N1 2XP. Socialist Challenge Post Office Workers' Supplement members' control the UNIO officers and their abuse of our bloc vote at Labour Party conferences.
The Broad Left's badge sums it up: 'For a fighting union'. It is no mere boast.
meetings technology and job loss nave been held Fringe meetings conference have been well attended There was a campaign for policy the 1981 wage claim, and opposition amendments to the April conference on productivity have been coBest of all, Broad Left supporters led the recent Manchester strike defeated management unilaterally slide duty punishment for not enter. ing a productivity scheme.
As Pete Dodd. sectelaly Manchester amalgamated, said at a re cell Divau Leil meellg 'For us, the Manchester strike has laid the ghost of 1971.' The UCW Broad Left can be contacted through its secretary Pete Dodd, 18 Lynoton Rd Manchester 061-861 8390. area or would like more information fill Send to: Socialist Challenge, PO Box 50, April 1981 Page iii
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