long economic Dooli The period economic recession since ther has hit the economy worse than petitors. It suffers both from genielai and its historical decline vis-aМОНТАНА ЧА Paradoxically, the political crisis in Britain for most of the period since the mid-'60s has example, in France or Italy, while the social and economic crisis here has been worse.
This is explained by factors: the flalulc British labour movement, the character of the political consensus established in postwar Britain.
Upsurge after 1968 lacked a political rocus, in of an overall For project. upsurge had 'sponTaneous semi-svndicals character. But once the Tories had come to power in 1970, and the economic and social crisis deepened, the workers' revolt gradually found global political expression.
Given the unique character ot the ment, where the Labour Party monopoly working class political representation, any directly political expression of revolt was bound to be worked ax: ic the development of a left wratie current withrhythm of the internal debate in of held back by the failure of the Labour left combat austerity policies of the 1974-79 Labour government. unitarian labour Witn movement and, just one mass party of the working class, much more catch the labour bureaucracy off its guard and force it to the lell unan in rrance Despite the defeat of the Heath government, the initial wave of workers' struggles 1968-74 resulted in a stalemate two the between the classes during the subsequent Labour and ment.
The second element in the delay of the politicisation of the British crisis was the political consensus which was established in test we Second Second War, Keynesian established a consensus ween the leadership of the major parties a consensus social welfare capitalism with a strong public sector was also adhered to by the trade union bureaucracy.
Because ot its immensely strong ideological hold, consensus, known as skellism', was only abandoned by either political party with extreme reluctance. After all, 25 years it appeared to work at the price of covering up all Ine rundamental probicis The initiative to break the the consensus was taken Tories. the will Won the difficult to govern...intensify the Tory crisis ing with the organised strength of the labour movement. 'welfarism' Whereas the Heath bet- ment had unsuccessfully tried to introduce legislation to 'deal of under Thatcher embarked on a which strategy of deliberate novment and 'hone down' undermine the this strength of the workers' move'But- ment.
This experiment resulted in a rapid politicisation for of the and The moved to the left, and the Bennite current has been immensely strengthened by problem experiment has coincided with deep recession.
measureably greater than was forseen.
in industrial production of 13½ Der Cell one vcar.
the Tories Thatcher's unem- come deflation, to precedented industry and organised the extent has to its interests.
economic government has leadership pressure from the left. now viable The overheads many ardent Thatcherites expected a decline ship teams.
Following Howe's budget, government aberration? an almost attack big business, which has found that of the political cast for polarisation between the major partie: parties no longer corresponds decline composition It is lumbered with a Tory sinasning sections of business and a Labour The dangerous DIOC much more difficult than in 1964 or 1974 to rarty las vecil turn to the Labour Party as a alter- the Scottish this builds up tionalists. he emergence of Labour through 197 struction been that jor debate in British bourgeois circles about the significance of their crisis of political leaderIs this crisis permanent, or is the polarisation a temporary other The debate is complicated by the fact that over the past 15 years the proportion of the vote both the two majo has declined The was reflected in the 1974-9 parliament where there was no things break-up Ulster Unionism has removed a stanch Tory supporters, while the Conservative adjust virtually wipec out in Scotland as sections of capital bourgeoisie have defected to the Scottish Naheld onto power To -79 via thé COll of ar art-working formula on the leadership election, and Foot's promised offensive against the Militant are Historically the Conservative Party has been an effectransmission belt of bourgeois political opinion. ine question Is is the ConserParty still the unique political representative of the bourgeoisie Are its interests, and particularly those Inaustnia. capital, still effectively represented by the Tories, with their historically strong representation of finance capital, WHOSE interests (as we've seen with the interest rates) are not at each stage identical with those of industry?
Questions of this sort led to an increasing number of dona. tions to the Liberal Party from business HALCI COL the last election The emergence of a Social Democratic party, on the other hand represents the crystallisation of a current of ruling class opinion which has written off the struggle within the Labour Party as hopeless But it would be foolish to believe that the right has been definitively beaten the would be tantamount to arguing that the trade union bureaucracy had pushed finally and definitively to the left.
Trotsky once commented politics begins the millions. Millions The British Tory Party has. on paper, nearly two million in dividual members The Labour members and hundreds COT individual members. The Liberals, if the can't match this, get between 3 and 5 million votes at elections The problem for the Socia Democrats is that they lack the solid social base of any of the parties To establish themselves firmly politics they will have to win the allegiance of either a section of the trade union bureaucracy, or the support of a section of industrial capital Whether either of these happens will depend above all on the outcome of the present struggle and the degree to which the Conservatives can to demands being made by the CBI and industrial To win 18 peers and a dozen MPs is one thing.
secure millions votes in election is Coll quite a different matter.
THE Greater London Council is responsiemploys a workforce of over 28,000.
remove the Tories from control of the The the VCW Photo: Socialist Organiser dining room in County Hall, Westminster Greater LONGO Council across the river to the Houses of Parliament.
The prospect of Labour GLO has been greeted by the Tory press with the spectre of a MarxKen Livingstone differs this vIew.
Marxist 'The manifesto', he says, 'has been characterised as Marxist but it's giving it a credibility on the left which is perhaps a bit unearned.
"The Labour group, elected, will be broadly Tribunite and the manifespredominantly reformist COCHNIC TE These policies have been put forward by the London Labour Party since the 1930s. ble for seven million people. It has a budget of more than f2,300m a year and Londoners will have the opportunity to GLC when they go to the polls on 7 May. If Ken Livingstone, GLC opposition spokesperson for Communication and Transport. confront the Tories?
Ken argues will use all that Labour GLC the machinery at its disposal. It would produce a regular newspaper which would explain its policies, campaigning tor the naLOOKALON improved housing programme, and the policy of Westminster.
are toppled.
cutting fares.
would identify with every industrial struggle,' he says. 'If there is a dispute at Dagenham, Labour GLC members must be down or the cacilities andst be facilities made available' When the Liverpool to London march for jobs arLne capital, Ken wants the GLC to clothe, feed and accommodate the marchers in County Hall.
The resolution the divisional council of the public employees' union calling on Labour councils to free worktorce participate in a day of mass action on 29 Mav is exact v the approach GLC would take, according to Ken.
The proposals in the manifesto may be Labour is elected and carries out the policies in its manifesto, the council is likely to find itself in direct conflict with Tessa van Gelderen talked to Labour candidate KEN LIVINGSTONE, who is tipped to be leader of the GLC if the Tories revolutionary but they still have to be financed. will the come from?
The left in the London Labour Party argue that it shoulc Tales Ken Livingstone agrees:
An increase in the rates is a redistribution of wealth.
Our programme will cost a Il a week on the rates but cheaper fares will save Londoners £1.50 a week.
If there is resistance to increase the rates to detend service. will see this on 7 May,' he adds. 'You might wallt to colle back on 8 May and say, "Now that Labour devastated in the GLC elections because of our high rates policy, how do you review your position?' The press Ken Livingstone believes will push two themes during the does appear to make break from the policy ' of many Labour councils to implement cuts.
The creation of jobs, linked to a 35-hour week, a house orogrannie. CULS in the cost of school meals and fares must all be paid going to be happy untall 'The government,' Ken points out, 'has the power to prevent us building new housing. extending the lube, buying new ouses o. undertaking any works of
LOP 16J
A Labour GLC promises to bring down London Transport fares Londoners are promised under a Labour GLC 025 per cent fares houses; opposition the sale of council hous ing.
• The creation of a Greater • London Centen prise board to increase investment and jobs • Reduction in the price school meals from 35p a day to 25p • A major expansion of public services London and redistribu. tion of expenditure the less well-off which 'may involve each Lon.
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