IMGpapers 1980–83

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1980–83

'The most shocking thing seen-Eyewitness

· Socialist Challenge No. 141, 3 April 1980 · pp. 8-10 of the scan · 2,370 words

The scan: sc-n141-apr-03-1980.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 4-7 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 8 of the scan

What a great power is lost and is put at • the service of oppression and repression!

Do you seen any future for the present government?

Before giving my opinion, I prefer to hear the language of results... the government speaks of only because the people longer; the people are frustratea, and no longer believe in promises or in hopes... the changes, consequently, would have to be Socclaculai..

Travelling throughout the country, impression that El Salvador is in a state of civil progressively unrestrained. What is your opinion?

The situation alarms me. But the struggle of the oligarchy to defend the indefensible has no future less so if you fighting spirit of our people. Furthermore, should the army triumph temporarily, the voice of justice will return, will be heard, will win.

And in this war, will you, as a pastor, continue at the side of the people?

That is what I propose to do and I ask God to help me to be sufficiently strong, weaknesses of the flesh... in difficult moments we all suffer fear, the instinct for self-preservation is very strong, and for that I ask for help....

Help not only for me, but for all those who are carrying out this pastoral work, that we might remain at our posts because we have much to do; even if it only be to collect the corpses administer absolution to the dead... the flame of social justice: must always remain alight in the hearts of the salvadorean people.

wait disillusioned Salvador.

I get the widespread and action take into account the even foreign who told me: about this.

total. No because I fear the believes demagogic repression have tremendously, was another revolutionary INSIDE the factory the walls and floors were covered with blood. In one of the rooms five dead workers were lying on the floor. The right-wing terror squads had struck against the general strike movement in El LORS PALMGREN, reporter for Internationalen, Swedish International, was one of the few journalists still in El Salvador on Monday 17 March, a day of general strike against the Junta.

I WAS probably one of the last journalists left in El more Salvador. They have mostly been expelled. One of the last things! heard was from some workers "You must write You must let the world know about it.' The general strike was almost called El Salvador in this government's promises. The and bloody terror been stepped TUD yet the masses continue to resist heroically. the The general strike yesterday this showed - that opposition section of the Fourth He saw what Colonel growing and getting more and support. Today the question has become more clear, shall El Salvador become a new Chile or another Nicaragua? Strike The general strike had been National Revolutionary Coordination. The demands of the strike were:

For an end to the repression and the state of emergency that had been in force since 6 March;

Against US intervention in internal affairs As they say EI Salvador: "The strike was protest against US preparation for military intervention';

Against Ine Christ Democratic Party (which is 1 LI f government) responsibility for the repress which is growing all the time I travelled around the fact zones and the popular areas day. The strike was almost to There were only a few which remained open. In factory areas the workers put up banners everywh These areas were also satur with units of the military wi continually carried out cont and searchs of the people.

Guns Myself and two journalists were the only nesses to one of the big repressive actions that took p that day.

It was in the 'free outside San Salvador. Wher got there, we were met by Red Cross personnel who been stopped from entering area by the military - despit fact that everybody knew t were wounded people down street at the factory stood ther military convoy arrived fron factory. : There were two s

page 9 of the scan

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page 10 of the scan

THE TUC General Council disaffiliated Tameside from its list of recognised trades councils at a meeting on Tuesday of last week.

This follows TUC anger at the trades council's plans to hold a conference on Ireland at which speakers were to include representatives of the Relatives Action Campaign — who campaign on behalf of Irish political prisoners Against Republican Socialist Party.

"The conference was not in line with the policies LIC Congress House told Socialist Challenge. went on to say that any other trades council that held such also face expulsion.

Tameside, following a lead given first by the National Front and then by the Communist Party.

It was the NF which first drew attention to Tameside's plans to hold the conference. The By Geoff Bell THE last few months have seen the production of a plethora of books on Ireland.

This reflects something that is happening in generally; that Ireland will not go away so perhaps it is time to start taking seriously the 'Damnable Question', as one of the books is called.

good few of the books are aimed at the British left. That, too, is indicative; there is no doubt Ireland has become more of an 'issue' on the British left than it has been for a long, long time. So it should be.

Best at explaining why are Michael Farrell in the second Northern Ireland: the Orange State, Eamonn McCann. in a revised edition of War and an Irish Town, George Dangerfield in the paperback edition of The Damnable Question.

Each in their own and rather different ways relate evidence for the colonial imperialist bestiality of the Brits, and how there will be neither a solution nor a long-term peace outside of a British withdrawal.

McCann tells his story in his usual, jocular and racy style. It is in part a personal tale; relating his experience growing up and organising in Derry, but mixing this with political analysis and some sharp polemic.

Michael Farrell has a different approach. His book is, as it was four years ago when it was first published, the most factual, best researched and most Marxist history of the North of Ireland state to have been published.

If that sounds a bit dull, only the most apolitical philistine would pass George Dangerfield's 'study in Anglo-Irish relations' again. His book is nearly 400 pages long and concentrates on the years which led to the birth of the North of Ireland state, 1906-19. Republican That could specialised to sustain interest, but this crucial establishing the progress of Ireland's British problem in the years that have followed, and Dangerfield tells his history in a powerful, engrossing way that the book is almost like a thriller.

As with all good thrillers, it's very hard to put down.

Question - besides being a very good read — is, at f2.95, excellent value.

Two other, smaller publications fall into this general pro-Republican, pro-socialist from English Jails is produced by the Prisoners Aid Committee and is made : up of writings, mostly in the form of, letters, of Irish Republican prisoners Socialist Challenge: 3 April 1980 Page 10.

Women

and the Irish spokesperson He 'come conferences on Ireland would the the society edition of and and give and politically different somewhat World War.

The Damnable makes sad prisoners.

irish Voices advanced, Trades Council fascists threatened to hold a demonstration. alleging that the IRSP speaker was associated with 'the murderers of Airey Neave'.

The IRSP has consistently denied that it is the political wing of the Irish Liberation Army, which assassinated Neave, but this slander was taken up and repeated in the Morning Star.

On 4 March, the Morning Star lied when it alleged that the idea for the conference had from the ultra-left Irish Socialist Party'. Two days later, in its report of trades council meeting, newspaper alleged that the IRSP was the political wing of the Irish National Liberation Army'.

Morning Frank who have been incarcerated in British prisons in the period since the Second While at times the compilation reading, the book is ultimately a testimony to the courage, numanity and steadfastness of the R O Connor Lysaght's pamphlet Limerick Soviet tells of courage of a different kind — the 1919 general strike in the Southern, Irish town of Limerick against British militarism.

communistic Council.

Cooper National the chairperson CP member.

Republican was the Dallic 'said to association, example, Cooper, nature of this chapter from Irish history is something of which few socialists in Britain are aware. no omel reason, that is why pamphlet is worth reading.

All these publications tell struggle, from second hand, and at times first hand experience. generally not the case with Ireland Divided Nation, Liviaea Class, collection of essays edited by Austen Morgan and Bob Purdie.

The book is described in its back Communsit Party member of Tameside Trades was backed in his attempts by Frances Dean, who is the secretary of Manchester Trades Council, together with the North-west Association of Trades Councils, and another through Dean that allegations were made against Tameside. She complained to the TUC that the trades council adiation, plainiselle in they excuse was another reason stated by the TUC for the expulsion.

In fact, this was just one more slander. For the recent treasurer of the county association was a delegate from Tameside.

GEORGE DANGER FIELD cover as 'a critical balance sheet of the Irish left's positions', If for which brings to mind one made by the McCann in his book: 'The Irish left has not figured of prominently in recent events. It has spent much time and energy This is mention densely typed documents", in some of which even footnotes agonising over the Provos: whether and how far particular Provo actions could be supported; which bombings, if any should be welcomed and which the publicity for the conference. One sentence in phrase 'bring the war to Britain'. Hallsworth, 'was suggest were Britain.

'In fact

witchhunt Branch and County further witter Britain asking discuss Ireland. denounced. natune Lenin But justifying, the Irish Marx, Irish "theory, come Theory both the guide to action, On criteria, forward' attempting.

academic.

La statement Irish Limerick Soviet, - not to "discussion Ireland: Divided have footnotes Class All A further part of what: Tameside secretary Dave Hallsworth told Socialist Challenge was "a campaign of malicious lies and slanders used first by the NF and then by the CP' concerned this publicity had the This, says taken completely out , of context by the Morning Star and twisted to advocating bombings referring the propaganda war and to how the Irish war has already been brought to Britain by the Special SPG using methods first developed by the British Army in the North of Despite the disaffiliation, Tameside plans to carry on with organising its conference. It trades throughout for support for its right to Already several trades councils, including Tower Hamlets in London, have given their support. The IRSP is taking the slanders in the Morning Star to the Press Council.

This disgraceful conspiracy stop free speech on Ireland should be forcefully resisted.

'As if it were the function of the lett to act uninvited as advisors or tactics to a guerilla organisation.

Nation, Divided Class. Certainly for those not acquainted with the debates on the Irish and British left, this book is a useful introduction Most of the familiar topics are touched on — whether Ireland is one nation or two, or one and a half; the of the Protestant working class; whether Leninism is compatible with Irish Republicanism.

at times OI InI contributions have a hint of a self'Why I am not involved in Reterences to Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Althusser are made to explain why the question is 'problematic? and full of 'theoretical confrontations'. Which may all be very true, but as Lenin himself said, those who expect to see a pure revolution will never see The simple truth is that for the past ten years a real, actual, street-bystreet confrontation has been going on in the North of Ireland. It is a bit frustrating to read polemics dressed up, and at times unconvincingly, as which in the final analysis argue abstention from that struggle. If this criticism sounds like anti-intellectualism it is not. meant to. It is perhaps no coincidence that the two most informative, original and best researched essays in the collection Michael Farrell and Margaret Ward; both of whom are involved on a day-to-day basis with what is happening in the North. Academic • IS necessary to inform Irish struggle and the attempts to build solidarity with it in this country. But at best theory is a , or the provider of arguments for that action occasion, Divided Nation, Divided Class falls short of that proposes 'way which is so far removed from reality that is not worth even Thus it becomes, so to speak, Northern Ireland: The Orang by Michael Farrell. Pluto, £5.95 War and an Irish Town, by Eamonn McCann. Pluto, £1.95 The Dammable Question, by George Dangerfield. Quartet, £2.95 Voices English Jail (Prisoners Aid Committee). £1.95 by DR O'Connor Lysaght. Plough Books, 40p Nation, Divided by Austen Morgan and Bol Purdie. Ink Links, £3.73 available The Other Bookshop, 328 Upper St, London

----- pull-quotes -----

Majano's regime now tries to suppress. He wrote this report the day after the events he describes:

Eamonn McCann NEW UPDATED EDIT

How the NF, the CP and the TUC combined to witchhunt Tameside

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