THERE is a growing radicalisation in the labour movement. As Thatcher's attacks bite home, increasing numbers are being forced into action to defend jobs, wages, democratic rights and the right not to be a victim of the Tories' nuclear insanity.
It is this fight-back which explains the deepening turmoil in the unions and Labour rally. Workers are coming into conflict with the pro-Tory policies of the leaders, some of whom have already moved house and others of whom are busy trying to barricade tne farlament ary Labour Party door.
In this situation, Militant, a large Marxist current, has some distinct advantages. Well-rooted in the CLPs and some unions, it is uniquely placed to lead this radicalisation into á real fight for socialist policies. How is it living up to the challenge?
CND The remarkable thing is, that while being uniquely placed, Militant is being by-passed by the radicalisation. Far from being involved in the struggles erupting in the labour movement, it has either ignored them or lined up against them.
A clear example of this is with CND. A mass movement has erupted against Tory plans to turn Britain into a nuclear graveyard. Thousands of union and Labour Party members have taken part in actions on the streets against Thatcher's policies.
While being led by a confused number of pacifists and multilateralists, such mobilisations reflect the instinctive hostility of thousands of workers to Tory attempts to boost the arms race at the very time they are axing social services.
ATTACK What has been Militant's reaction to the growing anti-war movement? Has it identified with the feelings of thousands and got involved and built the campaign! On the contrary, their attitude was sunmed up by Rob Sewell in the March 29 issue of the paper:
"Those in the leadership of CND who imply that the struggle for peace must take precedence over the fight for socialism are completely misguided. Without the overthrow of capitalism, there can never be a lasting peace."
Sewell is correct, of course, to pinpoint the confused thinking of CND leaders. But what Sewell does - and what Militant always do nose the fight tor socialism to Inal growing up against nuclear missiles in Britain. It leads, in practice, to Militant standing on the sidelines talking about The fight for socialist policies in the labour movement takes more than resolution-passing at conferences and branch meetings.
real struggle.
GENERAL stance, of course. It can be seen in abortion TUC was forced to launch a mass Corrie's anti-abortion bill.
back down and the bill was finally percent wage settlement. Fred Jarvis METHOD on April 5.
in the labour movement. socialism while thousands are involved in There is nothing new in this sectarian ADAPTATION Militant's attitude to other struggles that have emerged in recent years in the la-. bour movement. Another clear example is that of the fight for women's right to In 1979, under the pressure from women in the unions and Labour Party, the 60,000-strong demonstration against places.
The action was so large, it forced the government to What was Militant's attitude on this is. sue of direct concern to millions of working class women? Did they, like others, seek to mobilise the labour movement to kill the bill. No, once again, they abstained. They counterposed the fight for "socialism" to the real struggle under their noses.
Such a sectarian attitude can be seen on a number of issues - from the fight against the cuts to that against the Tory racist offensive. It was only under pressure that they joined in the CARL action How is it that a so-called Marxist tendency can stand aloof from struggles involving thousands in defence of their rights? The answer lies in their mistaken view of how socialist policies can be won For Militant, the fight for socialism does not come out of these struggles They do not grasp that workers, involved in action to defend their rights, will in. creasingv see the need lor socianst solu tions. On the contrary, they see these struggles as a diversion away from the "gospel" they are destined to "preach".
Thus it is that they continually abstain from them or, as in the case of CND, actually line up against them.
In many ways, of course, this almost fear of action stems from their adaptation to the arid traditions ol tne labout bureaucracy in Britain. Constant years in CLPs has bred an inward-looking attitude which finds itself more at home in resolution-passing than building struggles on the streets or in the workMoreover, it is this adaptation to the arid traditions which explain its backward attitude to the fight for women's, Black or other national minorities' rights. in action. abortion rights, to back CARL or the struggle to get the troops out of Ireland smacks of accommodating to the prejudices that exist in certain sections ot tae british about movement This is particularly true on the question of Ireland where the Militant current, refusing to recognise the national struggle in the North and opposed to the Marxist position of oppressed nationalities' right to self-determination, have consistently refused to support the struggle to get the INTERNATIONAL This chauvinist attitude - and that is what it is - is part of a broader inability of Militant to view the class struggle on an international level. It is the most insular of the insular left groups in Britain.
Their refusal to support the struggle of the Irish freedom fighters, a fight championed by Marx and Engels, para lels their refusal, at the time of the US invasion of Vietnam, to become part of the mass movement tighting for thi Vietnamese people's right to self-determination Today, that insularity can be seen yet again in their refusal to support the solidarity actions occurring with the struggle in Central America - in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Grenada - which is under fire from US imperialism.
BY-PASSED?
It is a rare occurrence for a Marxist current to, when the mass movement arises, actually abstain from it or feel threatened by it.
That is unfortunately the case with Militant. In the years ahead, as struggles continue to develop, either it will begin to lose its sectarian policies and adapt to the mass movement. Or - and this is the only alternative - it will be bypassed pushed into actually mobilising on the basis of these policies. Secondly, big gains had been made in democratising the Labour Party This is vital if the unions and Labour Party are to implement class policies, and not those of the bosses. It is this that has forced the gang of twelve out of the party - they couldn't tace the thought of being held accountable for their actions.
Swart also stressed the importance foI socialists in this country of having real solidarity with workers and peasants around the world who are engager in their own struggles.
DEMONSTRATIONS The talk provoked a lively response from the meeting. One person pointed pool and Glasgow against unemployment and in London against nuclear weapons These were concrete evidence of Swart's observations A fund-raising speech by Ann Westcott raised f8 for the Socialist Action fund drive The forum is the first in a new series to be held in Stoke-on-Trent. For details of further forums phone Jason at 0782-813401 EVENTS
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Stoke Socialist Action Forum Militant's refusal to support the fight for
to the many huge demonstrations which had baen organised by the labour move- ment in recent months, such as at Liver-